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viernes, 15 de febrero de 2013

An andean transcendental anthropology



By Juan Nuñez del Prado

I give myself license to write the following as I believe that this text can contribute with certain knowledge originating form a peculiar discovery that can be of a lot of help to guide the politics of inter-religious relations in a more understanding and constructive directions, especially now that these have come to be so important worldwide.

My profession is that of an Anthropologist. I have dedicated myself to researching “The Supernatural Andean World” from 1968 until today. From 1971, until the date of his death, I maintained a fraternal, personal, intellectual and sometimes controversial dialog with the Jesuit priest and anthropologist, Manuel Marzal S.J. who, to my understanding is the main authority in Religious Sciences in Andean and South American studies. A short time before his death, Manolo asked me to contribute with an article for the fourth volume of the Iberian-American Encyclopedia of Religions; I will use this as a reference in certain parts of this article.

Like the majority of South Americans I was born into the Catholic Church, but because of different circumstances between the ages of 18 and 31 I declared myself atheist. At the age of 31, during the year of 1976, because of a deep personal crisis I returned to the Christian faith and to the Catholic Church by means of “the Catholic Pentecostals” post-conciliating movement.

The hypothesis that I want to propose is founded on the allegation that Jesus Christ “was like us in everything except in sin”; this allows for a possibility of a “Christians Anthropology”. It is also founded on an idea proposed by an eminent Brazilian priest who I once had the opportunity to meet, which states “modern theology relating to inter-religious relations normally relies on the findings of “Religious Sciences”.

In 1979, I came into contact with and became apprentice of Don Benito Qoriwaman Vargas, Don Melchor Deza, Don Andres Espinoza and Don Mauel Quispe. All of them were indigenous Andean instructors, who are traditionally called “Alto Misayoq”. They considered and declared themselves Catholic; they practiced the sacraments and privately participated in certain peregrinations the Andean sanctuaries dedicated to the Lord and to Holy Mary. Their believes made up a synthetic system, which Priest Marzal called “Cultural Christianity”. It combined fundamental Christian believes with believes and rituals originating from the sophisticated Pre Columbian animism of the Incas.

What I learned with them was also a series of sophisticated spiritual practices, which I called “spiritual Andean Art” (but the details are not relevant at the moment). I also learned a hierarchical system, that can be considered as “Transcendental Anthropology” and that is described in the seventh epigraph of my article “The Return of the Inca, form Colonial Times to Globalization” in pages 246 to 249 of the fourth volume of the Iberian-American Encyclopedia of Religions that appears in the bibliography. I find this second aspect pertinent, therefore I will discuss it below.

It entails a mystical, complex sacerdotal hierarchy, partly virtual and partly prospective. This mentor hierarchy is parallel to the hierarchy of the beings that make up the religious universe in the Andes, as well as to a series of social groups of scalar dimension which constitute the Andean ethno- sociology.

The first sacerdotal level is made up by “Ayllu Alto Meshayoq”. This is the priest who has had an experience of seeing and being a part of the power of “Ayllu Apu”, spirit of the mountain, protector of a district. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Pikol and Apu Pukin are the guardians for the “Ayllus” of San Jeronimo and Santiago.

The second level is made up by “Llaqta Alto Meshayoq”, who has had the experience of seeing and being a part of the power of a “Llaqta Apu”, spirit of the mountain, guardian of a micro-region. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Saqsaywaman or Apu Wanakauri are guardians of the whole “Ayllu” of the Cusco Valley.

The third level consists of “Suyu Alto Mesayoq”, who has had an experience of seeing and being part of the power of the “Suyu Apu”, guardian of a region. For example, for the area of Cusco, Apu Ausangate and Apu Salqantay are the guardians of the extensive regions that begins in the South, in La Raya and extends North until the Pampas River, in the West until the Apurimaq River and in the East until the Yavero River.

The fourth level is made up by “Kuraq Akulleq”, who has had an experience of seeing and being a part of the power of the “Apuyaya” of “Taytacha”, alternative names given to Christ, the guardian of the universe. For example, the area of Cusco has the Taytacha Temblores, the Taytacha Qoyllurit’I, the Wanka Taytacha, Torrechayoq Taytacha or the Papak’uchu Taytacha, etc.

These are the four virtual sacerdotal levels, which have a training and an initiation process and also currently have working priests, who are capable of conferring their knowledge to other learners.
The fifth, sixth and seventh levels are prospective levels, meaning that currently there aren’t any priests exercising them and as a result, there is no one that can confer them. But, the levels and their characteristics are known for potential candidates.

The manifestation of these three new sacerdotal levels is part of the beginning of an era called “Taripay Pacha” or the encounter and wholesomeness of humanity, which according to the Andean point of view, should be more magnificent, fulfilling and satisfactory for humanity than that of the past Inca times.

The fifth level is called “Mallku Inka” and its meaning could be understood as someone being a part of the Inca’s bloodline. The property that someone in this level should have is to be “Tukuy Hampeq”, meaning, the person has to have power to cure any ailment, no exceptions, with the touch of his hands.

The current Andean priests are only “Hampeq”, meaning they have the capacity to cure ailments through miracles or rituals. But they recognize that their powers are still ambiguous or insufficient since sometimes they works and sometimes they don’t. A “Mallku Inka” should be able to show a miraculous curing power that always works and has results that can be visible and confirmed for all ailments and in all circumstances.
The sixth level is called “Sapa Inka”, which can be translated to “the singular Inca”. It’s the same title that was given in the XVI century to the leaders of the Tawantinsuyu Empire, or the title that the aspirers for Tawantinsuyu leadership gave themselves in the XVIII century. The quality that he must have and for which he will be recognized is called “Kánchaq” meaning that he has the capability of shining. To be recognized as such, a Sapa Inka should be able to shine in public in a visible manner for the onlookers.

The Sapa Inka will be able to conjugate “Taqe” between willingness and love, ”Munay”, work and creative labor “Llankay” and knowledge “Yachay” of all the towns of the ancient Tawantinsuyu and be able to reconstruct them, filling them with “Kausay”, vital forces; giving initiation with these actions to the adulthood of the Taripay Pacha Golden Age, in which the “Paytiti” will manifest itself in this world or the metaphysical city of the Andean eschatology.

Recently, Jorge Flores has identified the meaning of the word Enqa, as the title that is given not only to one particular person, but also as a spiritual quality in which an individual is able to concentrate vital energy in himself in order to redistribute it. At the same time, Jean Szeminski has suggested that one of the basic notions of which the organization of the Tawantinsuyu is made up was that of the capability and duty of the leader as much as of the imperial apparatus for the concentration and redistribution of life.

The seventh level is called “Taytanchis Rantiy” which means “the equivalent of our Father God”. The tasks which the individual in this level will do are not known, but its coming will be associated with an advanced era of the Taripay Pacha. The meaning of the word suggests a type of representative of God on earth, which could be compared to the eschatological expectation of the second coming of Christ of some Christians.

The manifestation of these three new levels in the hierarchy is reserved for the Taripaypacha era, which in the Andean eschatology is a new era that is coming. As is known, the temporary –contemporary Andean eschatology classifies history in three stages, whose symbolic denominations usually derive from the Joaquinista eschatology. As it seems, it was assimilated by the Andean civilization in the XVI century through the messianic movement of the “Taki Onqoy”. The first stage is called “Dios Yaya Pacha” or the time of the Father God. It was initiated with the founding of the Inca Empire by Manko Qapaq or Inkari, depending on the case, and it expanded during the duration of the Tawantinsuyu, ending with the death of the Incas Waskar and Atawallpa.

The second stage called “Dios Churi Pacha” or the time of the Son of God, began with the conquest and has lasted until our days. The third stage or “Holy Spirit God Pacha” which is also called “Taripay Pacha” is probably starting and it is in this one in which three hierarchies will manifest themselves,through the “Mosoq Karpay” or new initiation, which has to be directly distributed by God to those people he considers appropriate to be carriers of the new capacities. *

According to the Andean scatology, the vehicle which carries this new initiation should be the “Siwar Qenty” or Royal Humming Bird which, according to the Andean System, is the bird that has access to the center of the Hanaq Pacha, where the person of God is found.

Between the first and the second stages, and the second and third stages, there are essential “Pachakuti” or cosmic transmutations, through which the coming of the era is prepared, with a re-ordering of the cosmos.
According to the contemporary instructors, the last Pachakuti has already taken place and was produced between the first of August 1990 and the first of August 1993, so we are already in the initial part of the Taripay Pacha, that has to have an initial period of seven years, followed by another of twelve which will be the maturity stage and afterward, the manifestation of the new age will be produced.

During this period, the “Paqo’s”, the name given to the Andean priests, as well as to the town of the Andes, have an active participation in the preparing of the necessary conditions for the manifestation of the three new hierarchy levels and the coming of the persons that will guide the new age.

In reference to the first (the paqo’s), their contribution is made through the practice of traditional rituals and the passing on of the knowledge and initiation rituals of the Andean priesthood career in the diverse hierarchies that it is composed by . According to the tradition of Don Benito Qoriwaman, a “Kuraq Akulleq” or priest of the fourth level of the Valley of Cusco, the most important contribution of colleagues of the same fourth level consists of becoming “Inka Mallku”, through a ritual that lasts ten days, that takes place in a group of traditional sacred places in the region and that includes Machupicchu from below to the Wiraqocha Temple on top, in the Valley of “Willka Mayu” and the Valley of Cusco itself. According to Juan Ossio’s opinion about the description of this ritual: it’s about the process of a coronation of a sacred king. This process is called the Hatun Karpay.

The participation of the Andean towns and their contribution to the birth of the new era happens through their participation in the traditional religious festivities, especially through their involvement in diverse sanctuaries of regional importance.

Among them we can consider the sanctuaries of Señor de Torrechayoq in the province of Urubamba, el Señor de Wanka in the province of Calca, el Señor de Qoyllorit’i in the province of Quispicanchis or el Señor de Pampak’uchu in the province of Canchis and of course, in the involvement in the celebration of the sanctuary of the “Taytacha Temblores” in the province of Cusco, all of them in the region of Cusco.

The findings of the hierarchical system of the seven sacerdotal levels that I have mentioned before, wouldn’t have been more important than another piece of etiology data, if in 1985, Mr. Juan Murillo Valdivia, a friend of mine, connoisseur of the Bible and a very devout Catholic, hadn’t pointed out to me according to one of his findings, that there exists a parallelism of extraordinary meaning,between the spiritual hierarchy that I had just discovered and the first seven levels that appear in the 3 first chapters of Saint John’s Apocalypses in the Bible. This Bible’s seven levels are introduced as “the message of the seven churches”. I have dedicated myself to the analysis and study of this parallelism from then, until now.

As a matter of fact, both hierarchies appear to be parallel to a spiritual development process that Carl G. Jung called “an individuation process”. In the case of the Andean scale, the spiritualprogression is explicit, since it is considered part of a spiritual career. This career ends ideally, in the level of “Taytanchis Rantiy” since this level means “equivalent to God on earth”. This can be translated by a Christian to “the reproduction of Christ”.

In the case of the seven churches of the apocalypse, in the message to the first the Lord says to the visionary, “If you win, I will feed you with the fruit form the tree of life that is in my God’s paradise”. This, according to Saint Pablo decoding the symbolic language form the Bible means, to become a second “Adam with no sin”, since the one who was supposed to eat “fruit from the tree of life” was Adam and he couldn’t do it because ate “fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and bad” beforehand. In the message to the seventh church, the Lord says to the visionary “if you win you will sit on my throne, like my father has sat me on his throne”.

According to Christian theology, the only one who has sat on the Father’s throne is our Lord Jesus Christ, meaning that the decoded message to the seventh church means “be like Christ”; according to an invitation from Saint Paul directed to the believers of the first century of our times.

The possibility of legitimately comparing the Andean and Christian levels is permissible in the Catholic Theology, according to the “Semina Verbi” principle established by Saint Augustine. On the other hand, from my scientific information, I interpreted the concordance between both systems as a “second independent verification”, since between my Indian Instructors and the visionary of the apocalypse, there were almost 2,000 years of history and the void of cultural context that exists between the Hellenic civilization form the beginning of our times and the contemporary Andean civilization.

Scientifically, there exist two independent, parallel and concordant descriptions, from the same process; it is assumed that behind both descriptions lays the action of “A Natural Law”. Given that in both levels the final objective can be interpreted like the “reproduction of Christ”, that can be reached through 7 steps, such “law” couldn’t be anything else, but the one that directs the spiritual human development to Christification.

In conclusion, I have the hypothesis that the Christian scale wouldn’t be only in the first seven levels of the Saint John’s apocalypse, but that in some way it would also be in the gospel. Actually, it appears to be expressed in a symbolic manner in a series of acknowledgements of the Lord during his private life and in some culminating passages of his public life.

This way, the Lord is recognized, first like “Pastor of the Pastors” by the pastors, who inspired by the angels, go and worship him in the manger of Bethlehem. Secondly, he is recognized as “magician of magicians” by three kings of the orient, who offer him gold, incense and myrrh. Thirdly, as “Prophet of Prophets” by Simeon and Ana, when he is introduced in the temple and this couple prophesizes about his ministry. Fourthly, he is known as “the wisest of the wise”, when he was 12 years old and is recognized by the “wise” of Salomon’s temple. These remarks referring to the Lord’s private life.

After circa 18 years, the prelude of the Lord’s public life is his recognition as messiah, by John the Baptist, who according to Jesus himself, has a superior rank to any other prophet of Israel, when the Lord says: “from the ones born of women, there is no one better than John”. Afterwards and according to this arrangement, the Lord acquires a fifth degree when he is “anointed” by the Holy Spirit, after John baptizes him in the Jordan River, at the beginning of his public life. He acquires a sixth degree when he is visited by Moses and Elias; he is “transfigured” and shines in front of some of his disciples in Mount Tabor. Finally, the Lord acquires the seventh degree, when after his passion and death he is “revived of death”. This degree would be the one that differentiates the qualities of Christianity from all other superior, metaphysical religions, according to the statement made by Saint Paul, when he says “If Christ did not revive, meaningless is our faith”.

Again, due to my scientific upbringing, I was informed of the “Ontogenetic Recapitulation Law of Filogenesis” that operates in biological evolution, cultural evolution, and according to Sigmund Freud and Carl G. Jung, it operates also in the evolution of “depth psychology”.

This led me to suppose that what happened in the Lord’s life, must have had antecedents in the “preparation of his arrival”, meaning in the Old Testament. And, as a matter of fact, I could also establish another correlation.First, the patriarch Abraham, the first historical character of the Bible, is a “Pastor of Pastors”. Secondly, Joseph, who was sold by his brothers and was later made the minister of the pharaoh,when he defeats his magicians, is made “Magician of the magicians”.

Thirdly, when Moses meets the lord for the first time, he is made a Prophet. Fourthly, when Salomon asks from God and receives from him the gift of knowledge, he is obviously made wise. In my point of view, this implies a correlation with the four first levels of the scale, corresponding at the same time to the acknowledgements received by our Lord during his private life.

About the “Ontogenetic Recapitulation Law of Filogenesis” that I am freely attributing to the life of our Lord, I am justified by the statement expressed by his sanctity John Paul II when in one of his trips to Mexico City he mentioned to a group of compromised laics “Christ is the recapitulation of all creation”.

Moses and Elias, in my point of view, should be treated in a particular way. About Moses, the classification I have made about him as a prophet corresponds in my point of view to the initiation of his spiritual development process, which appears to have been taken much further later. Elias and Moses are directly related to fire, which in biblical terms is the symbol of the Holy Spirit. The fire instructs Moses in the episode of the “burning bush” and responds to the expectations of Elias in the episode of his confrontation with priests of Baal, where in favor to Elias, the Lord lights the holocaust of his offering. Such relationship types appear to suggest two successive degrees of a relationship of the believer with the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, such difference is in a certain way circumstantial, facing the fact that in some point in their career, both become great thaumaturgies, meaning, they performed miracles, an aptitude that in the bible is related to the third person of the trinity, the Holy Spirit.

According to the Bible, Moses, as well as Elias, don’t seem to have left their bodies on earth. It is said that Moses was “snatched” leaving this event a mystery. Elias is also “snatched to heaven” in a car of fire, in the presence of Eliseo.

From this it can be hypothetically concluded, that in two different and independent times of history, Moses and Elias have taken spiritual development to Israel successfully to the fifth and sixth levels.
Being the first one a pioneer actor and the second an actor of the recapitulation of the process. In this way, both would have been “prefigurations of Christ”, concept, which to my understanding isaccepted in Catholic Theology.

This interpretation seems to be corroborated by the fact that a time after giving “the commandments” to the city, Moses ascends to the mountain and returns shining. And, also for thefact that in the transfiguration of Christ, it’s Moses and Elias who appear simultaneously to our Lord Jesus Christ and all three, shine in front of the disciples of Jesus, who were permitted to go up the mountain.

That would imply for that moment a “mystic participation” between Moses, Elias and the Lord in the manifestation of the sixth degree of spiritual consciousness.
I think that an interpretation of this kind, is not too different from the Catholic Church’s tradition and practice today, since according to Mario Escobar Moscoso, in the text of “the Seven Dwellings” by Saint Teresa del Avila, developed and written in the XVI century, a hierarchy of spiritual progression can be discovered, similar and corresponding to the seven levels described her. The Holy Spanish woman has been declared by our church a Mystic Doctor, meaning expert in the process of spiritual development. At the same time, inside of our church, there are the practices of the “Neocatecumenado”, founded by the Spanish man Kiko Arguello, whose practice I would consider also “a Spiritual Art”.

It consists of seven steps of descending to the baptismal faucet, considered a purification process; and seven steps of ascending going out from the baptismal faucet, considered like “a process of spiritual development, following our Lord Jesus Christ”.

According to Arguello, the “Neocatecumenado” recuperates practices that were transmitted to the Christian novice as part of his training and intitiation process during the two first centuries of the history of our church. Recently, because of Arguello’s petition and after a very prolonged procedure and exhaustive testing, the “Neocatecumendado” has been admitted, not as a church movement,but as an “initiation inside the church”.

Despite being up to a certain point in concordance with theology, this argument does not pretend to be Theological, since, as the reader can see it’s the result of the application to the Andean ethological material as well as to the Bible text of the usual techniques of the concomitant variation method and symbolic decodification, used in Anthropology. It can be said then, that it is, from the Religion Science point of view, simply “a documented work hypothesis”, relatively in concordance with the contemporary catholic theology.

On the other hand, and widening the meaning of my discovery, Cesar Cornejo Zavaleta, showed me the existence, inside the Sufi tradition –mystic branch of Islam- of another comparable seven levels, coded in terms of the “flight of the birds through the seven valleys”. Later research taught me that slao, according to the Sufi tradition, Mohamed, after he had written and given the Koran to the town, went up the mountain form which he descended shining. 

This implies an extraordinary similitude to what happened to Moses. Also, during his illumination, Mohamed was raised and he saw the seven heavens, during this experience he had a repetitive discussion with Moses about the obligations that were to be required of the believers of Islam.

Between both events, it was suggested that during his mystic appearance in the VI century of our times, Mohamed would have had access to the hierarchical seven and that the prophet of Islamwould have had established the sixth degree of spiritual development, due to the fact that he shined as much as to do to his diacritical dialog with Moses, which according to what we have suggested is representative of the sixth degree. In this way, the phenomenon of his body being “snatched” from this earth would also be accessible to him, as it is claimed by Islamic tradition.

In this manner, if Moses and Elias symbolized “representations of our Lord”, Mohamed would have been a recapitulation of the of the “Christian Manifestation” process of Moses and Elias and of the Lord himself, up to the sixth level. This seems reasonable since Mohamed “converts” to monotheism, due to the preaching of a Christian monk, and according to the Islamic tradition, his purposed would have been to translate the high moral message from the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ into a group of direct and particle rules, in concordance to the mentality of the Arabian town of those days.

The result inspired by such objective, is from the Islamic point of view, “The Koran”, whose composition is considered from their point fo view, the “only miracle” done by Prophet Mohamed during his life. Finally, and again inside the Sufi tradition, Jesus Christ our Lord in honored as the “identifying mark of the Perfect Saints” and Mohamed as “Identifying mark of the Perfect Prophets”.

If it is possible to agree that the members of all three monotheist religions worship the same and only metaphysical God, under slightly different names, it would be possible for a Christian to believe and publicly declare that:”Allah is the only true God and Mohamed is his Prophet”, without the lessening of his faith nor of his church’s faith, which would only mean he is honoring the prophet of another religion in his due magnitude. In fact, we already do it with Judaism considering Moses and Elias as “True Prophets”.

From the strict historical point of view, supported by the English historian Arnold J. Toynbee., Judaism is a “fossilized” social religious segment of the ciriaca civilization was frozen in its evolution process, autonomous for a space of ten centuries, as a result of the conquests by Alejandro Magno. As said by Toynbee, such civilization would have continued again, from the point from which it was detained, the preaching of Mohamed.

I had the opportunity to be in the Scandinavian countries during the time in which, in my opinion, there was a very violent and angry reaction to a production of some comic strips about Prophet Mohamed. I think that the Muslim world in the Islamic countries as well as the Islamic residents in Europe are extremely sensible to what Christians could suggest or mention about them, their culture, and especially their prophet, whether it’s positive or negative. This context of extreme susceptibility originated the recent reaction to the words of the Pope Benedict XVI during his visit to Germany.

Both Islamic reactions appear to be sharp reactions of what Samuel P. Huntington denominated “the Clash of Cultures”, which in my opinion is the closest “Geo Religious” approximation to the world that is born, after the successive obsolescing of the rationalist ideologies, communist first and capitalist after.

There are two aspects that I consider fundamental in the geo religious approximation of Mr. Huntington: First that the critical factor of the international confrontations has displaced from“Economic Politics” (“Dictatorial Socialism” vs. “Liberal Capitalism”) to “Cultural Religious” predicaments or “Civilizations”. Secondly, that in the numbering of the possible civilization actors resulting from the “Worldly Reconfiguration” , Mr. Huntington considers “5 living Civilizations”, already identified in the 40s by Mr. Toynbee, and also, considered new and independent actors: “The African sub Saharan civilization”, “The Buddhist civilization”, and “the Latin American civilization”.

Such implication seems to be corroborated in reference to “the Buddhist civilization” due to the ever increasing authority of the Dalai Lama, starting from the decade of the 60s. In reference to the “Latin American Civilization” because of the variety and wealth of spiritual phenomenon that happen here and that are described exhaustively in the works done by Father Manuel Marzal, already mentioned before and specially in his work “Enchanted Earth”, also published by the Trotta editorial company.

For a comprehensive and productive treatment of the Latin American phenomena, our church counts with the approximation of “the Encultural Theology”. I have the impression, that this theology is already being applied to the African case.

Returning to the circumstantial subject of the Islamic reactions, I believe that a public announcement like the one I have considered according to this hypothesis, I considered it possible for a Christian, it would take place in the Islamic world, in reactions to of similar intensity, but of contrary direction to the ones produced by the incident of the comic strips or by Pope Benedict XVI mentioning the speech by Emperor Byzantine of the XIV century.

What I wouldn’t dare to foretell, is what would happen inside the Catholic Church, which is a unique organization, extremely big and extremely complex: I think only someone who participates in the instances of knowledge, belonging to the great Catholic religious orders or the ecclesial hierarchy, would be capable to be in such position and capacity.

What was mentioned here could contribute to the design of political “inter-religious” relations for the future. Such politics could use as an instrument of contextualization and characterization, the already mentioned work by Mr. Huntington “The Clash of Civilizations” and as an impartial understanding of the religious content, the work by Mr. Huston Smith, titled “The Religions of the World”, which is to my understanding the best and better understood compendium of information about superior religions, that encourage contemporary living civilizations.

Father Pierre Teilhard de Chardin S.J. was able to make a skillful co pagination about creativity and evolution for the Catholic faith, expressed in a special manner in his works: “The Divine Means” and “The Human Phenomenon”. Father Manuel Marzal S.J. made an adaptation of these works to the requirements of the investigation of Anthropology of Religion, in affirming that “The revelation is the movement of God towards human kind and as a result of an object of study of Theology, while religion is the creative response of humanity to revelation, and as such, a cultural creation and object to be investigated in Anthropology.

 As part of this intellectual context, we can add that Pope John Paul II, said on a certain occasion “Culture is a gift from God to humanity”. It can be said; that Judaism, Christianity and Islam, are other cultural responses to the revelation, and also the seven levels that make up part of their respective doctrines. If as it appears from this analysis, the cultural complexity of the hierarchy of the seven levels makes up a level of the psychic process needed for Christianization or “the omega point”, of the cosmos-vision of Father Teilhard de Chardin, they have as an common objective which has not fully been accomplished yet to contribute to the spiritual development of their particular human communities in the following of Christ and aiming towards Omega.

The acknowledgment of a common objective in this way, could in the long run constitute itself into an instrument of peace in the geographical civilization space occupied by the three monotheist religions; Judaism, Christianity and Islam, in which the raising Latin American civilization and its Andean counterparts are also included.

Finally, I would like to mention, that due to personal reasons that I have mentioned at the beginning of this article, Father Marzal S.J. had reservations in the “impartiality and objectivity” of my points of view. He explicitly expressed such reservations himself in the third paragraph of his article which introduces volume 4 in the “Iberia-American Encyclopedia of Religions”, between pages 31 and 32. I will mention the paragraph below:

“The second work about the return of the Inca is done by Juan Nuñez del Prado. Because of the topic, I supposed that this work could incur in messianic repetitions and I was right. Nevertheless, it contains different elements and also it’s useful to encounter the two points of view about such a discussed subject. 

Nonetheless, the perspectives are somewhat different, because while Ossio focuses on the scientific field and exposes the forms taken by Andean messianism in Peruvian history; Nuñez del Prado, in spite of the great amount of information he has and his extensive occupation in the country as a Quechua speaking native, situates himself in a different field and at times, he is more than a scientist of the Andean Culture, he seems to be a believer of Andean spirituality; in this position his personal relationship with various altomisayocs has with no doubt influenced where he has discovered a persistent hierarchy of Andean specialists and a spirituality that seems to tune with certain religious currents of the postmodern world, which explains the success of spiritual tourism in the region of Cuzco (Jenkins, 1999)”

At the same time, I am fully conscious that everything I have said up to here could simply be the result of my personal need to solve the conflict between my Christian faith and my academic reasoning, something natural for someone who migrated from Pre Conciliar Catholicism to Rationalized Atheism, to finally return to Catholicism subsequent to Vatican Concilio II.

Cuzco, October 12, 2006
Juan Victor Nuñez del Prado Béjar

Bibliography:

Manuel M. Marzal (editor). Religiones Andinas. Enciclopedia Iberoamericana de Religiones. Vol. 04. Editorial Trotta. Madrid. 2005
Huston Smith. The World’s Religions. Harper San Francisco. 1986
Elizabeth Jenkins. Initiation. Putnam. New York. N.Y. 1997
Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of World order. Simon& Schuster. New York 1996.

miércoles, 24 de octubre de 2012

Spanish tourist dies in Colca Canyon

by The Colca Specialist




Once more again the Colca Canyon becomes th scenery of Death.The spanish tourist Javier Gonzales Bautista (36 years old) died in a trekking circuit inside the Colca Canyon (October 21)when he fell down to the canyon in the area of Malata village.According to the investigations done he tried to recover some bottles of water he lost on the way when the accident happened.He lost balance and he went down 150 meters dying because of severe craneal damage.

AUTOCOLCA the authority in charge of the manteinance of the trekking circuit is once more again the direct responsible for this accident because part of the path in the area of Malata has become very dangerous for the tourists who are doing trekking inside the Colca Canyon. 

The reason is that in that area part of the path has been covered by a landslide and the trekking path is almost gone so what  are doing the corrupted authorities of AUTOCOLCA with the money obtained from the touristic tickets?

They are doing absolutely nothing in order to improve the services provided to the tourists. Several tourists fell down inside the Colca Canyon not only because of informal tour guides but also because of the poorly done paths without good signals.

Some months ago the brazilian tourist Paula Sibov died almost the same way inside Colca Canyon.(See
http://thecolcaspecialist.blogspot.com/2012/07/brazilian-tourist-paula-sibov-dies.html).Authorities of Colca Canyon specially those of AUTOCOLCA who are the ones in charge of the administration of the area just care about making money and they don´t care about the safety of the visitors.

The Colca Specialist recommends all the visitors to buy tours with responsible well known tour companies or if you go alone check all the information available in order to avoid all these painful situations.

The Colca Specialist


sábado, 13 de octubre de 2012

Tawantinsuyo Tour: calamity tours on double decker buses

Tawantinsuyo Tour Not a good option in Arequipa

By Shawn Matson

The fever of the double deckers has arrived to Arequipa few years ago. Now we have several companies that offer the same service which I am going to speak about. Let´s speak about Tawantinsuyo Tour.

Tawantinsuyo is one of the travel agencies that offers this kind of service. The only difference with other companies is just the color of the buses: there are yellow,orange,green and the blue ones of Tawantinsuyo Tour.

Tawantinsuyo is the cheapest and its publicity can be found in all the travel agencies of Arequipa.When you ask for a city or countryside tour the one in charge of the travel agency will show you one of the pamphlets of the different companies available and there you will find the pamphlet of Tawantinsuyo Tour. (See picture above).

Why the travel agencies sell its product? Because it is very cheap and it offers good commissions to the street vendors and travel agents.

The quality of the service is terrible! The tours offered are more shopping oriented and the information provided during the tour is very poor compared with a guidebook! Lots of stops in very touristic places and no good information about Arequipa. I took other tour with another company and it is the same so I don´t reccomend you my friends to take these kind of tours done with double decker buses.

When we departed from Arequipa I was eager to see the countryside of Arequipa and we were taken to a place called “Carmen Alto” a place where you can see Arequipa´s valley. The info provided as I told you before was very basic and when we descended from the bus we were just invited to get inside the place to take pictures and they showed us the store in case we wanted to buy something. That was all. There was no interest of the guide in providing information.Not at all.

I thought I was the only one upset about the disasterous tour I took but not. There were other people who agreed with me that we were guilty of having bought the same tour. There was a family who bought it in Colonial Tours other people bought the tour in other places but we ended traveling together with the same company.

The city tour can be donde by ourselves with a very guidebook and in case you want to visit the countryside of Arequipa I recommend you to go to Sogay (this place is called Little Colca) or to Yarabamba or Chiguata where you are going to see the real countryside of Arequipa and not a touristic shopping center. Don´t forget that your holidays are important and don´t be fooled like us with these poor quality tours of TAWANTINSUYO TOUR.

jueves, 6 de septiembre de 2012

Safety for travelers Part 6

Travel Safety Rules
by Randy Johnson.
First, here are some elementary rules to keep you safe. They make up a good portion of my personal rules to travel by. When you have internalized them, you will notice every time you are about to break one. Then you can make a conscious decision, and accept the consequences if you decide to break it.
  • Don't look wealthy; don't flaunt your valuables.
  • Keep both hands free.
  • Keep your money, passport, and credit cards next to your skin. Keep them in front of you. Take them to the shower with you. Sleep on top of them.
  • Stay in physical contact with your bags unless they are locked in your room or stowed safely (preferably in your view) on transport.
  • Every time you stand up, look back to see what you have left behind.
  • Carry your luggage onto the bus, train, truck, or taxi with you.
  • When you buy a ticket, GET a ticket.
  • Don't rent a room that is not secure; lock it every time you leave.
  • Be aware of everyone around you. Not "beware", just be aware.
  • Don't do anything you think is possibly dangerous, just to avoid being rude.
Most thieves in the Third World are sneak thieves. You will not see them, even after they have stolen your goods. The simplest ones will try to steal from your hotel room when you are not there. The most sophisticated can nick your rucksack right out from under your nose. They are counting on you being off your guard, trusting, acting like you would at home, and being ignorant of the ways in which they work. If you take precautions, they will avoid you; there are plenty of other tourists out there who are much easier to rob than you are!
Because you do not see them, you may assume that thieves are not there. Perhaps when you are at home, you lock your door every night before going to bed. What would happen if, one night, you left the door unlocked? Is there, in fact, someone who comes around every night trying all the doors in the neighborhood? Depending on your neighborhood, probably not. But you really don't know, do you? And you won't find out until you leave your door unlocked.
In some countries there are dozens of people waiting around for you to make just such a silly mistake. In other places, you are only tempting the local people into becoming thieves by leaving yourself and your belongings unguarded. But if you travel very long and in very many places, you will meet (or never see at all) just enough people who will take advantage of your lack of precaution to rob you of everything you have.
Don't Invite Thieves
Don't show off your wealth. Traveling on the cheap is often your best protection from theft! I have spent over eight months traveling in Mexico and I have never been robbed there. As in all countries, most Mexican people are not thieves. Mostly I have traveled by public transport, stayed in regular lodging, and carried only a small and worn rucksack. Even the thieves are not interested in robbing me. I have stayed in huts with no locks and occasionally left all of my gear in the open, guarded only by my hammock, when that was the local norm. It was a risk, but I got away with it because there were no real thieves in these rural communities.
However, I know exactly what to do if I want to be robbed in Mexico. Instead of traveling by bus with my rucksack, I would bring or rent a nice camping van and camp on isolated beaches which are popular with tourists. If you ask around, travelers will tell you of lovely isolated beaches where you can camp for free. There are some wonderful spots and many of them are pretty safe. But if tourists have been doing this for a long time, the local criminal types may visit these famous spots to hold up campers at gun or machete point. They know that tourists carry valuable cameras, stereos, stoves, and all.
Sleeping in regular lodging places (even beach bungalows) and carrying a small amount of luggage makes you less of a target, and usually no target at all. It's when you look so different from everybody else -- traveling around in your own car, doubtless loaded with lots of expensive goodies, camping out, brandishing video cameras -- that you advertise yourself as a target. I feel safe on the bus, surrounded by local people.
Few people who have had the wonderful adventure of backpacking up the Inca Trail to Machu Picchu in Peru have been neglected by the robbers who regularly hold up tent sites along the trail. That's the way things are in a few countries, and that's why I'm surprised to see travelers who have come to South America to go camping in the mountains. They bring a thousand dollars worth of high-tech camping gear only to find that there are few organized places to camp, and that wilderness camping is often an invitation to robbery. This isn't Kansas anymore; that's not the way it is done here. They discover that most travelers just take a bus up to the high mountain towns, check into a cheap hotel and hang out for a week or two, taking day hikes into the mountains, and returning to eat in cafes at night. This is not what they had in mind at all.
Note [March, 2000] that with the recent increase in tourism, the Peruvian government has stepped up security along the Inca Trail. You can now arrange for "Sherpas" to carry your gear for you and have your tent camp set up for you each afternoon when you arrive! There is now even a "hostal" at the last stop on the Inca Trail, complete with bunk-beds, toilets, food, and probably a bar.
Unfortunately, this is a good reason not to go too far off of the beaten path in some countries. Away from the town and the hotel, in the anonymity of the woods or hills, people who have very little to lose may be happy to relieve you of your belongings. Seldom is any violence actually done, but it is not a nice experience. Many countries are completely safe in this regard. Ask other travelers and the local people in your hotel. When they warn you not to go walking in the countryside, there really may be robbers lying in wait for tourists. It is one reason to stay in hotels instead of camping out, in questionable areas.

miércoles, 5 de septiembre de 2012

INVESTIGATING A CHILD SACRIFICE EVENT FROM THE INCA HEARTLAND

by Valerie A. Andrushkoa, Michele R. Buzonb, Arminda M. Gibajac, Gordon F. McEwand, Antonio Simonettie, and Robert A. Creaserf
Email Valerie Andrushko for a PDF of the article with color photographs:

andrushkov1@southernct.edu

Citation: Andrushko, Valerie A., Michele R. Buzon, Arminda M. Gibaja, Gordon F. McEwan, Antonio Simonetti, and Robert A. Creaser. 2011. Investigating a Child Sacrifice Event from the Inca Heartland. Journal of Archaeological Science 38:323-333.


aDepartment of Anthropology, Southern Connecticut State University, 501 Crescent Street, New Haven, CT 06515
bDepartment of Anthropology, Purdue University, 700 West State Street, West Lafayette, IN 47907

cInstituto Nacional de Cultura-Cusco, Calle San Bernardo S/N, Cusco Peru

dDepartment of Sociology and Anthropology, Wagner College, One Campus Road, Staten Island, NY

10301

eDepartment of Civil Engineering and Geological Sciences, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN

46556

fDepartment of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada

Abstract

Human sacrifice in the Inca Empire at times took the form of the capacocha, a sacrificial rite involving the most beautiful children in the empire. In this study, we investigate a possible capacocha at the pre-Columbian site of Choquepukio in the Cuzco Valley of Peru. During excavations at Choquepukio in 2004, seven children (aged 3 to 12 years) were discovered buried together; accompanying them was an elaborate assemblage of high status artifacts similar to those from other recent archaeological finds that are believed to be capacocha sacrifices. Since colonial documents indicate that capacocha children were selected from diverse regions of the empire, we initiated a radiogenic strontium isotope analysis to determine the origins of the children found at Choquepukio. Our analysis showed that, indeed, two children in the assemblage had non-local origins. When considered together, the osteological, archaeological, and isotopic evidence
suggest that a capacocha event occurred at Choquepukio, representing the only lower- elevation capacocha to have been found in the Cuzco region

Key Words: Bioarchaeology, Andes, Capacocha, Cuzco, Strontium Isotope Analysis

1. Introduction

Human sacrificial practices of the Inca Empire (AD 1400–1532) have received attention in recent years due to the discovery of well-preserved child mummies on a number of Andean peaks (Reinhard, 1996, 1997, 1999, 2005). These mummies appear to represent the Inca capacocha, a sacrificial rite involving children in honor of the Sun and other deities (Benson, 2001; Duviols, 1976; Salomon, 1995:332; Verano, 2008). The term capacocha has been translated alternatively as “solemn sacrifice” (Betanzos, 1996 [1557]:132) or “royal obligation” (McEwan and van de Gutche, 1992:359).

For this ritual, children of great physical beauty were chosen from locations throughout the empire and brought to the capital city of Cuzco, where they were dressed and adorned, treated to ceremonial rites and feasts, and then redistributed throughout the Inca realm for sacrifice at major shrines (Molina, 1943 [1575]). Miniature objects buried with the children, as symbolic gifts from the Inca ruler, established a connection between the community supplying the sacrifice and the divine monarchy of the Inca (McEwan and van de Gutche, 1992:364). Capacocha rituals were performed in response to catastrophes such as earthquakes, droughts, and volcanic eruptions, as well as to mark historic events in the life of the emperor, such as succession to the throne (Cobo, 1979 [1653]:237; 1990 [1653]:112).

The selection of girls and boys from the far reaches of the Inca domain was essential, a stipulation imposed by the Inca to ideologically unify the empire (Rowe,1982). The names of the sacrificed children were remembered by their local ayllus (kin- based corporate groups) and their tombs revered, a system that provided a “network holding the great Inca realm together” (Rowe, 1982:110).

Such characteristics of the capacocha allow us to set up a framework for investigating a possible capacocha discovery. A ritual of this nature should result in: (1) an archaeological assemblage of child burials, (2) varied geographic origins of the sacrificed children, and (3) elaborate Inca artifacts accompanying the burials. Though the geographical origins may be impossible to determine using material culture alone, chemical analysis of radiogenic strontium isotopes in human skeletal material can be used instead (Price et al., 2007). Local individuals may be distinguished from foreigners by analyzing the strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) present in an individual’s dental enamel—a marker of early-childhood locale—and comparing it to ratios from the local environment.

In this paper, we investigate a possible capacocha at the site of Choquepukio, in the Inca heartland of the Cuzco Valley, Peru. We first describe the capacocha ritual based on Spanish colonial documents and archaeological discoveries. Next, we describe seven children found buried together at Choquepukio, using the archaeological and osteological findings. Following these descriptions, we present strontium isotope data to ascertain whether these children were local residents of the Cuzco Valley region or foreigners. Finally, we synthesize and interpret the data in light of Inca religious practices to better understand the role of child sacrifice in the Inca Empire.

2. Ethnohistoric and Archaeological Evidence of the Inca Capacocha

2.1 Colonial Documents

Information on the Inca capacocha can be found in several Spanish colonial documents. One of these, Bernabe Cobo’s Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Cobo, 1979

[1653], 1990 [1653]), is considered amongst the most reliable of the Spanish chronicles and presents a comprehensive description of Inca myths, religious beliefs, and ceremonies (Urton, 1990:31). According to Cobo (1990 [1653]:111-114, 156), children— ranging from infants to 16-year-olds—were selected for sacrifice throughout the Inca realm based on their physical perfection. Parents could also volunteer their children as part of the annual tribute under the Inca system of taxation, an offering that was met with great rewards and social prestige. While both sexes were chosen for the ritual, it appears that females were sacrificed more often than males.

Those children selected for the capacocha were brought to Cuzco, lavished with feasts and ceremonies, and then taken to the place of sacrifice, sometimes thousands of kilometers from the capital city (Cobo, 1990 [1653]). Upon arrival at their final destination, additional feasts and rituals were held before the children were sacrificed, usually through strangulation, exsanguination, or interment while alive (though probably drugged with alcohol). The bodies of the children were then buried together with elaborate objects of gold, silver, Spondylus shell, wood, bone, textile and ceramic (Cobo,1990 [1653]).

The Spanish chronicler Juan de Betanzos (1996 [1557]:132) described a capacocha event performed at the request of the Emperor Pachacuti as part of his planned funerary rites. Pachacuti ordered that exactly one thousand children be chosen from across the empire and brought to Cuzco, paired ritually as married couples, and buried with the traditional gold and silver “table service” of a wedded couple. Betanzos noted that the sacrificed children were to serve the emperor in his afterlife.

Several chroniclers mentioned capacocha rituals that occurred in and around the imperial capital of Cuzco (Betanzos, 1996 [1557]; Cobo, 1990 [1653]; Molina, 1943 [1575]; Sarmiento de Gamboa, 2007 [1572]:119, 140). Betanzos (1996 [1557]:46) described a capacocha at the Temple of the Sun in the heart of Cuzco, where “well dressed and adorned” children were buried alive to consecrate the new temple. Also, Cobo (1990 [1653]:156) wrote of a capacocha in which “the children were strangled and buried with gold and silver on the hill of Chuquichanca, which is a half league from [Cuzco] city above San Sebastian” and other rituals performed near the Angostura, southeast of Cuzco city, in which “a greater quantity of children were sacrificed here than anywhere else” (Cobo, 1990 [1653]:72).

2.2 Archaeological Discoveries

A remarkable capacocha discovery was made in 1995 when Johan Reinhard and colleagues found “Juanita,” a frozen Inca child mummy, on the summit of Cerro Ampato in the Colca Canyon region of southern Peru (Reinhard, 1996, 2005). The child was wrapped in a belted dress, shawl, and tupu (shawl) pin, with leather slippers on her feet; around her lay artifacts including a Spondylus female figurine, classic Inca-style ceramics, and a coca bundle. Laboratory analysis revealed that the 13- to 15-year-old Juanita died from a blow to the head, as evidenced by a skull fracture on the right temple (Reinhard, 1997). Three other children were found on Cerro Ampato, including a 9- to 10-year-old boy (though badly charred by lightening) and a 12- to 14-year-old girl with a headdress of macaw feathers and tiny sandals (Bray et al., 2005; Reinhard, 1996). Many of the associated artifacts, such as twin wooden cups and two bird-headed plates, were found in pairs (Reinhard, 1996:76), with the fine Inca ceramics originating from the imperial centers of Cuzco and Tiwanaku (Bray et al., 2005:96).

In 1999, three child mummies were found on Cerro Llullaillaco in northwestern Argentina (Reinhard, 1999, 2005). With them was a diverse assemblage of artifacts, including more than 20 clothed statues that mimicked the apparel of the sacrificed children (Reinhard, 2005:309). While the exact cause of death could not be determined, radiographs of the teeth and long bones provided the ages-at-death for the three individuals: a 6-year-old girl, a 7-year-old boy, and a 15-year-old female (Previgliano et al., 2003:1474).

While these two capacocha discoveries—and additional ones found on Cerro Chañi, Cerro Quechuar, and other peaks in the Andean range—were in high-altitude contexts, the ritual was not limited to the Andean peaks. Capacochas have also been discovered at lower altitudes, including at Tiwanaku along the Bolivian shore of Lake Titicaca, Túcume on the Peruvian north coast, and on La Plata Island off the coast of Ecuador (Bray et al., 2005:87; Knudson et al., 2006; McEwan and Silva, 1989; McEwan and van de Gutche, 1992:362). Given these archaeological discoveries, along with the ethnohistoric descriptions of capacochas performed in and around Cuzco, high altitude should not be a defining criterion for the identification of a capacocha context, as this would limit our understanding of the ritual and its significance within the Inca Empire.

3. Child Sacrifice at Choquepukio, Cuzco Valley, Peru

3.1 Archaeological Evidence

The assemblage of seven child burials was discovered in 2004 at Choquepukio, a stratified site in the Cuzco Valley occupied continuously from the Early Intermediate Period (~400 BC–AD 540) through the Late Horizon (AD 1476–1532) (McEwan, 2006; McEwan et al., 2002; McEwan et al., 1995) (Fig. 1). During excavations of this site, Choquepukio field directors Gordon McEwan and Arminda Gibaja uncovered an imperial Inca building with an intact floor, dated to AD 1410–1520 using radiocarbon samples of burned roofing material and wooden columns (Gibaja et al., 2005).

Inlaid in the floor were several stone slabs, below which were two large ceramic jars holding the remains of six adult skeletons in a secondary burial context.
Adjacent to the ceramic jars, six additional individuals—all juveniles—were found near a bedrock outcrop that protruded through the floor and back wall of the building (Fig. 2). As opposed to the secondary interment of the adult skeletons, the child burials were undisturbed primary interments representing a single burial event.

The children were buried with an elaborate assemblage of luxury artifacts, including gold and silver miniature female figurines, red Spondylus shell figurines of females and llamas, several sets of fine ceramics, gold, silver, and bronze tupu pins, a garment covered with gilded metal disks, and large amounts of cloth (Gibaja et al., 2005) (Figs. 3 and 4).

Approximately three meters from the group burial, an additional child was uncovered with the most elaborate artifact of all—a silver figurine approximately 25 cm in height with a Spondylus shell headdress and fragments of cloth (Gibaja et al., 2005) (Fig. 5). The figurine was modeled with male anatomy and its hands positioned across its chest. Around this artifact were miniature gold, silver, and Spondylus figurines of human males and llamas (Fig. 6), with even more rich offerings found nearby, including

miniature silver and gold headdress ornaments, gold and silver llama figurines, Spondylus

shell male human figures, a miniature bracelet, and pieces of gold foil (Fig. 7).

3.2 Osteological Evidence

The osteological analysis provided chronological ages-at-death of the children, based on dental development and eruption rates (Moorrees et al., 1963; Ubelaker, 1999). The ages were as follows: one individual of 3-4 years, one of 4-5 years, two of 5-6 years, one of 6-7 years, one of 8-9 years, and one of 11-12 years. The sex of the individuals could not be determined because of their juvenile status. While some methods have been proposed for determining the sex of pre-pubescent skeletal remains (e.g., Cardoso, 2008; Schutkowski, 1993; Weaver, 1980), there is no consensus regarding the reliability of these methods.

The skeletal analysis of these seven individuals did not reveal evidence of physical trauma that would indicate a violent death. However, the bones were found in a poor state of preservation—exhibiting cortical damage, exfoliation, and flaking—which could have obscured indications of trauma. Along with an absence of trauma, no pathological conditions were found aside from slight dental wear on the deciduous teeth of five children, a condition also observed in two sacrificed children from Cerro Llullaillaco (Previgliano et al., 2003:1476).

4. Strontium Isotope Evidence from Child Burials

4.1 Principles of Strontium Isotope Analysis

Strontium isotope analysis has emerged as an important tool for investigating residential mobility and geographical origins (e.g., Ericson, 1985; Knudson et al., 2005; Price et al., 2002; Price et al., 2004; Price et al., 2006; Sealy et al., 1991). This type of analysis is based on the premise that an individual’s teeth can reflect the geographic area of childhood residence.

Strontium isotope analysis has been used in the Andes to document migration (Andrushko et al., 2009; Conlee et al., 2009; Hewitt et al., 2008; Knudson, 2008; Knudson and Buikstra, 2007; Knudson and Price, 2007; Knudson et al.,2004; Knudson and Torres-Rouff, 2009; Knudson et al., 2005; Knudson et al., 2009; Slovak et al., 2009; Turner et al., 2009), identify origins of Wari trophy heads (Knudson and Tung, 2007; Tung, 2003; Tung and Knudson, 2008; Tung and Knudson, 2010), and examine Inca sacrifice at Tiwanaku (Knudson et al., 2006).

Radiogenic strontium isotope ratios (87Sr/86Sr) in soils and groundwater vary based on the local geological conditions, specifically, the age and composition of subsurface bedrock (Faure, 1986). These ratios are then reflected in the tissues of plants and animals of each region and remain constant throughout incorporation. When these local sources of strontium are consumed by humans, their dental and skeletal tissues reflect the ratios of the local region (Bentley, 2006; Burton et al., 2003; Ericson, 1985).

For strontium isotope analysis, tooth enamel is preferred over bone because it is less susceptible to contamination. Teeth absorb strontium isotopes until tooth crown formation has completed, from fetal stages through the first 12 years of life, depending on the type of tooth. Deciduous tooth crown development begins in utero while most permanent tooth crowns begin developing during the first year of life (Hillson, 1996:123-
124).

Each tooth will preserve the 87Sr/86Sr ratio corresponding to geographic residence during crown formation. In contrast to tooth enamel, bone is considered to be more susceptible to diagenetic alteration since groundwater can dissolve and leach the bone mineral component once in the burial environment. Subsequently, elements present in the soil and groundwater can be taken up by buried bones (Neilsen-Marsh et al., 2000).

With teeth, the elements that come in contact with tooth crowns seldom penetrate deep into the enamel (Budd et al., 2000).
When individuals of a population relocate to another area, strontium isotope ratios of their teeth may differ from local residents (Price et al., 1994; Price et al., 2004; Wright,
2005). A comparison of these ratios can reveal the presence of foreigners through deviations from the local isotope signature. This local signature is often determined by sampling local fauna that consumed only locally grown foods; for the Andean region, guinea pigs (cuy, Cavia porcellus) are frequently used.

Despite the clear utility of strontium isotope analysis for determining residential mobility, the technique does have some limitations. Strontium isotopic variability throughout the Andes is not well understood on both a macro- and micro-regional level, and the areas with known 87Sr/86Sr values represent only a fraction of the geologically variable regions of the Andes (see Andrushko et al., 2009, Conlee et al., 2009, Knudson and Buikstra, 2007, and Slovak et al., 2009 for a review of strontium isotope analysis in the Andes). Moreover, many areas may overlap in their signatures due to similar geology; as a result, it is far easier to classify individuals as non-local than to determine, with certainty, their original residence. These limitations—as well as concerns regarding contamination and diagenesis—must be taken into account when initiating a strontium isotope analysis.

4.2 Strontium Isotope Ratio Range for the Cuzco Region

The Cuzco Valley and the adjacent Vilcanota Valley constitute an inter-Andean basin separating the Andean hills to the south and west and the higher-range slopes to the north and east. The valley floor, formed by the Quaternary Pleistocene-aged San Sebastián Formation, consists of sedimentary gravels, alluvial fan sands, mud flows, extended diatomite, loams, clays, and peats. Within the district of Cuzco, igneous intrusive plutonic bodies of Paleocene origin have been identified. One such complex located north of the city of Cuzco, the Stock of Sacsayhuaman, is characterized by medium-to-coarse fractured gray-green quartz diorite (Salvador and Davila, 1994). Although no strontium isotope values have been published on geologic material from the Cuzco region, 87Sr/86Sr values for the Arequipa volcanics located just to the south range from 0.70714 to 0.70794 (James et al., 1976:Table 1; Lebti et al., 2006). While

geological sources may be used to determine the 87Sr/86Sr value of a region, faunal sources are preferred (Price et al., 2002; Sillen et al., 1995). Faunal sources more accurately measure biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values, while water and soil sample 87Sr/86Sr values do not always have a direct 1:1 relationship with animal tissue.

A preliminary range of strontium isotope ratios (87Sr/86Sr ) was identified for the Cuzco region as part of an adult strontium study at Choquepukio (Andrushko et al.,2009). The study used dental samples from 59 adults, along with the teeth of eight guinea pigs from Choquepukio and the site of Tipón, located five kilometers from Choquepukio. The four Choquepukio archaeological guinea pig teeth produced an average 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.70795 (std. dev. = 0.00013), while the four modern guinea pig teeth from Tipón yielded an average 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.70826 (std. dev. = 0.00027). Using these faunal values along with a data-outlier approach to the human strontium values, the Cuzco-region 87Sr/86Sr range was determined to be 0.70728 to 0.70906 (Andrushko et al.,2009).

Certain foods likely contributed to the 87Sr/86Sr values seen in all sampled individuals at Chokepukio. Diets rich in plant sources such as seeds, nuts, and legumes contribute to 87Sr/86Sr levels in humans (Price et al., 1994:323). The native Andean diet included maize, potatoes and other tubers, quinoa, camelid and cuy meat, peppers, and beans (Rowe, 1946:210). Of these foods, beans constitute the most important source for strontium, because legumes have a high calcium and strontium content (Burton and Wright, 1995:278). Although individuals at Chokepukio may have consumed non-locally grown imported maize, maize consumption does not influence human 87Sr/86Sr values, as the crop contains little calcium and strontium (Aufderheide and Allison, 1995). Additionally, while certain marine resources can affect strontium values (Burton, 1996), these resources did not constitute a substantial portion of the local Cuzco diet (Rowe,
1946:220).

5. Materials and Methods

The strontium analysis of the seven Choquepukio child burials was conducted at the Radiogenic Isotope Facility, Department of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, University of Alberta, Edmonton. The samples were prepared for analysis in the Class 100 cleanroom facility and sonicated for 15 minutes in Millipore water (MQ) followed by 5% acetic acid for 15 minutes. After an overnight leaching in 5% acetic acid, the acid was removed and samples were rinsed with MQ prior to transfer to vials. After adding a Rb-Sr spike, the samples were digested in a microwave oven in 4 ml 16N HNO3 and 1 ml~10 N HCl. Digested samples were dried overnight on a hot plate (80C).

Trace element analysis was conducted on the same samples at the same facility to check for possible contamination. In addition, laboratory preparation for the strontium isotope analysis followed standardized protocol with steps taken to ensure that contamination did not affect the results. Although tooth enamel is much less susceptible to contamination than bone or dentine, we further decreased the possibility of post- depositional contamination by chemically and mechanically cleaning and abrading the tooth surfaces, techniques shown to reduce some diagenetic contamination (Nielsen- March and Hedges, 2000). This study utilized the solution mode for isotopic analysis, which appears to offer a more accurate method for detecting historical migrations than laser ablation (Simonetti et al., 2008). Diagenetic contamination from the burial environment was monitored through uranium concentrations, which should be below the detection limit of the Inductively Coupled Plasma – Mass Spectrometer (ICP-MS). For a complete description of these methods, see Andrushko et al. (2009), Buzon et al. (2007), and Simonetti et al. (2008:373-374).

Strontium isotope measurements were determined using a NuPlasma MC-ICP-MS instrument. Subsequent to ion chromatographic treatment of the samples, the Sr-bearing aliquots were diluted in a 2% HNO3 solution and aspirated into the ICP torch using a desolvating nebulizing system (DSN-100 from Nu Instruments Inc.). Strontium isotope data were acquired in static, multicollection mode using five Faraday collectors for a total of 400 seconds, consisting of 40 scans of 10 second integrations. The ‘wash-out’ period following the analysis of a sample was approximately 5 minutes. Prior to the aspiration of

a sample, a 30 seconds measurement of the gas (+ acid) blank was conducted, which is critical for the correction of the 86Kr and 84Kr isobaric (plasma-based) interferences. The isobaric interference of 87Rb was also monitored and corrected for using the 85Rb ion signal; however, the latter was negligible for all of the results reported here. Accuracy
and reproducibility of the analytical protocol were verified by the repeated analysis of a

100 ppb solution of the NIST SRM 987 Sr isotope standard during the course of this study; this yielded an average value of .710242 ± .000041 (2 standard deviation; n = 13 analyses) and is indistinguishable compared to the accepted value of .710245 (Faure and Mensing, 2005:78). The typical internal precision (‘error’) associated with an individual Sr isotope analysis varies from .00001 to .00003 (2 level).

6. Results of the Choquepukio Child Burial Strontium Analysis

Based on the 87Sr/86Sr range for the Cuzco region (0.70728 to 0.70906), two of the seven children were identified as non-local (Table 1). The first individual (CHO 141) exhibited a 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.70910, just above the Cuzco-region range and within the range of the Tiwanaku region of Bolivia (0.7087 to 0.7105) (Knudson, 2004). The second individual (CHO 142) yielded a 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.70638, well below the Cuzco range. Instead, this 87Sr/86Sr ratio fell into the range observed for Wari individuals from the Ayacucho region (0.7054 to 0.7067) (Tung, 2003:80).

The 87Sr/86Sr values of the other five children were within the local range, suggesting that they originated from the area around Choquepukio (or a geologically similar area). Two individuals had values resembling the Choquepukio faunal average (CHO 140, 87Sr/86Sr =0.70796; CHO 144, 87Sr/86Sr =0.70783), while another individual yielded a value slightly below the average (CHO 152, 87Sr/86Sr =0.70768). The final two individuals had values similar to the Tipón faunal average (CHO 143, 87Sr/86Sr =0.70827; CHO 146, 87Sr/86Sr =0.70809).

The sampled teeth were a mixture of deciduous and permanent teeth (Table 1). For three individuals, the second deciduous molar was used, which resulted in a strontium ratio reflecting the geographic place of in utero development, birth, and the first 11 months of life (Hillson, 1996:124). In another case, the first permanent molar was used, representing the individual’s geographic origins from birth to age three. For two more children, the sampled teeth were permanent central incisors; the resulting values corresponded to their residences during ages three months to four years. Finally, for the single child whose first premolar was analyzed, the 87Sr/86Sr ratio related to the geographic residence during the first to sixth years of life (Hillson, 1996:123).

Trace element data indicated that the results were not influenced by contamination, with the possible exception of one enamel sample (Table 1). The sample from local individual CHO 140 contained 0.04 ppm of uranium, just above the allowable limit of 0.03 ppm (detection limit for the MC-ICP-MS). Uranium, which is not normally found in skeletal tissues, can reflect the uptake of groundwater and may influence
87Sr/86Sr ratios (Hedges and Millard, 1995). Contamination of this sort could cause a non-local strontium value to resemble the local signature, but is unlikely to change a local value into a non-local value. As such, CHO 140 could have been a non-local child whose 87Sr/86Sr value matched the local signature due to contamination.

7. Discussion

When considered together, the osteological, archaeological, and isotopic evidence suggest that a capacocha event occurred at Choquepukio. First, the ages of the Choquepukio children closely match the ages reported in colonial accounts of capacocha sacrifices. At Choquepukio, the children ranged in age from 3 to 12 years, with a mean age of 6.5 years. Meanwhile, the Spanish chronicler Betanzos (1996 [1557]:132) noted that for the capacocha demanded by the Emperor Pachacuti, “[a]ll these children should be from five to six years of age.” Another Spanish chronicler, Rodrigo Hernández Principe, described a capacocha in which children aged 10 to 12 years were brought in from the four corners of the empire (Hernández Principe, 1923).
The mortuary treatment also provides evidence for a capacocha event. These seven children represent a single interment episode—a significant deviation from the normal burial treatment of children at Choquepukio during Inca times (Andrushko et al.,2006).

For twenty-one other children (0-12 years) buried at Choquepukio during the Late Horizon, interment was usually singly or with an adult. These 21 other children were not segregated in a single locus of the cemetery but rather interred throughout the site, and were rarely buried with grave goods. As a result, the alternate explanation for the special child burial assemblage—that it represents local elite children who died of natural causes—appears unlikely. Rather, their deviation from the normal burial treatment provides additional support for a capacocha distinction (Eeckhout and Owens, 2008:381).

In addition, the artifacts found with the grouped children bear a striking similarity to those found at the Ampato capacocha. For both sites, gendered human figurines and tiny llama figurines feature prominently (Bray et al., 2005). At Choquepukio, some children were buried with female figurines, while the last child recovered had a 25 cm silver male figurine with a Spondylus headdress. At Ampato, Juanita had a female figurine buried with her and the 10-year-old boy had a male statue. Similar gendered figurines were also recovered at capacocha contexts on Cerro el Plomo and Cerro Copiapó in Chile and other sites (Benson, 2001:16; McEwan and van de Gutche,1992:363).

Of particular interest are the origins of the Choquepukio children—strontium results reveal that two of the children originated from outside of the Cuzco region, possibly from the Tiwanaku region of Bolivia and the Ayacucho region of Peru. As the colonial documents note that capacocha children were selected throughout the empire, the inclusion of non-local children is not surprising. Perhaps more surprising is the presence of five sacrificed children at Choquepukio who do not appear foreign based on their strontium isotope values. However, some accounts note that children were returned to their homelands for sacrifice after traveling to Cuzco (McEwan and van de Gutche,1992:360; Reinhard, 2005:30), in which case the presence of local children in the sacrificial context is understandable.

With the totality of evidence for the seven child burials—the ages of the children, the mass grave and exclusion of adults, the elaborate artifacts resembling those from other capacocha events, and the strontium results pointing to the inclusion of non-local children—we believe these burials represent a capacocha event. In fact, the Choquepukio context mirrors the archaeological expectations put forth by McEwan and van de Guchte (1992:362):

The presence of a child’s body accompanied by suites of miniature offerings in precious metals, sea shell, and textiles is convincing proof that the final act of sacrifice was carried out at carefully selected locations…

If so, this is a significant discovery that allows us to increase our understanding of the capacocha ritual apart from what is known in ethnohistoric documents. Our findings at Choquepukio, along with those from recent archaeological discoveries, show that a capacocha could vary by number and age of victims, type of grave goods, and location. Such variability may relate to the fact that some capacocha rituals were initiated at the village level, while others were enacted at the level of the state (McEwan and van de Gutche, 1992:362). The discovery at Choquepukio illustrates that capacocha events were not restricted to high-altitude environments, but rather were carried out at a variety of elevations throughout the Inca Empire.

The osteological evidence does not indicate how the children died. This may be due to the poor preservation of the skeletal remains, masking any indication of trauma, or it may be due to the specific way in which the children were sacrificed. Children were frequently strangled as part of the capacocha ritual (Cobo, 1990 [1653]), which would not have left any mark on the bones. The hyoid bone, which is often fractured when adults are strangled, rarely fractures in children because it is unfused (O’Halloran and Lundy, 1987). Consequently, children in Inca sacrificial contexts rarely show physical evidence for cause of death (Verano, 2001:168).

Why was Choquepukio chosen as a site for the capacocha? One possible explanation lies in the historical importance of the site. Prior to the rise of the Inca Empire, during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000–1476), the Pinagua ethnic group had their center of political power at Choquepukio. Together with another group, the

Ayarmaca, they controlled the Lucre Basin and territory to the east of Cuzco as well as territories to the north (Hiltunen and McEwan, 2004:246; McEwan et al., 2002:292). The Pinagua constructed monumental niched temples at Choquepukio for purposes of feasting and forming alliances, as inferred from architecture and associated luxury items (McEwan et al., 1995). In later Inca times, Choquepukio’s distinction as a powerful ancient site would have imbued it with ceremonial value, since the Inca venerated locations of historic significance (Bauer, 1998; Bray et al., 2005:87). Such ceremonial value may have contributed to Choquepukio’s selection for the capacocha event.

A second possible explanation lies in Choquepukio’s geographical location on the sacred landscape (Swenson, 2003:276). For the Inca, points of intersection (tinkuy) held symbolic importance, such as the confluence of two roads or two rivers. Choquepukio lies close to the intersection of the Huatanay River and the Collasuyu Road, one of four Inca roads originating in Cuzco—and both the Huatanay River and the Collasuyu Road were associated with the supreme Inca deity Viracocha. It is therefore possible that Choquepukio’s geographical position as a point of intersection conferred a ritual significance to the site.

A third explanation concerns the warm natural spring that flows out from beneath the hill on which Choquepukio sits. A warm spring would have been an important and powerful huaca, a sacred object or place on the landscape (Bauer, 1998; Van de Gutche,
1999). The Incas would have desired to propitiate the supernatural spirit embodied by the spring and this could explain the location of the sacrifice. Given the profound significance of the capacocha ritual, the occurrence at Choquepukio suggests an important religious event in the history of the site.

Since five of the seven children seemingly came from the local area, the communities around Choquepukio would have sacrificed their most precious assets to reinforce their loyalty to the Inca Empire. As McEwan and Van de Guchte (1992:364) note, sacrificed children epitomized the health and perfection of the young and served as representatives of their communities. Following the sacrifice at Choquepukio, this section of the site appears to have remained a sacred space for Inca religious rituals, with an Inca building constructed over the preserved burial context of the seven children.

8. Conclusions

Our study investigates a possible capacocha, the Inca ritual of child sacrifice, at the site of Choquepukio in the Valley of Cuzco, Peru. The 2004 discovery consists of seven children buried together with a large assemblage of luxury artifacts, including gold and silver miniature human figurines, red Spondylus shell figurines, gold, silver, and bronze tupu pins, and several sets of Inca imperial ceramic vessels. This type of mortuary treatment deviates from other child burials at Choquepukio, suggesting that the burial assemblage does not represent local children who died of natural causes. The strontium isotope results further indicate that two of these children were non-local. When considered together, the osteological, archaeological, and isotopic evidence suggest that a capacocha event occurred at Choquepukio.

The findings at Choquepukio accord with descriptions from Spanish chronicles regarding the sacrifice of children at lower-elevation locations, such as at the Temple of the Sun in Cuzco. However, our recent knowledge of capacochas has derived mainly from the spectacular high-altitude findings on several Andean mountain peaks.

Given the findings presented here along with the descriptions from Spanish chronicles, it is important that researchers no longer restrict their definition of the capacocha to high- altitude events.

This study reinforces that the capacocha was an important aspect of Inca religion and further illustrates the variability within this ritual regarding the number and ages of children sacrificed, location of sacrifice, and types of offerings included in the graves. The study also challenges the supposition that sacrificed children always originated from diverse regions of the empire. Our study suggests that local children were mostly sacrificed, although two non-local children were included in this ritual.

Finally, this study highlights the importance of isotope analysis in investigating archaeological contexts of human sacrifices. A growing number of studies (Fernández et al., 1999; Knudson et al., 2006; Price et al., 2007; Tung and Knudson 2010; White et al. 2007; White et al., 2002; Wilson et al., 2007, among others) have contributed significant information regarding the geographic origins and pre-death treatment of sacrificial victims. In the case of Wilson and colleagues’ (2007) study, hair samples from four mummies—including the 15-year-old "Llullaillaco Maiden" and the 7-year-old "Llullaillaco Boy"—indicate that the children’s diets changed markedly in the twelve months before their deaths, suggesting they were fed more “elite” foods in preparation for sacrifice. In addition, isotopic changes found in their hair samples indicate that the children began their pilgrimage to the mountains three to four months before they died.

As evident from these studies, archaeological chemistry techniques now enable us to document with detail an intriguing phenomenon—the practice of human sacrifice—that held great importance for many ancient civilizations.

Acknowledgments

The authors wish to gratefully acknowledge the Bernard Selz Foundation whose funding has made possible all excavations and artifact analyses of the Selz Foundation Excavations at Choquepukio, Peru. We extend our deep gratitude to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research (Individual Research Grant #7283) and the National Science Foundation (Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant #0424213) for providing funding for this project. The Radiogenic Isotope Facility at the University of Alberta is supported, in part, by an NSERC Major Resources Support Grant. Elva Torres Pino is gratefully acknowledged as the Director of Physical Anthropology at the INC- Cusco. We would also like to thank Melissa Chatfield, Paul Steele, Katharina Schreiber, Viviana Bellifemine, Tiffiny Tung, Kelly Knudson, Bethany Turner, Nicole Slovak, and Barbara Hewitt. Special thanks to Froilan Itturiaga Guzman from the Choquepukio Project. Additional thanks to Jaime Donnelly for sample preparation and GuangCheng Chen for assistance with the MC-ICP-MS analyses. Finally, we are grateful to the editors and anonymous reviewers for their helpful and insightful comments.